Planet at the Edge

May 21

The real side of the Great Recession and the ensuing economic slowdown in the United States

Policy responses during and after the Great Recession like the frantic nature of the Federal Reserve’s monetary expansion measures ( some of them being risky, like purchases of MBSs and very-long-maturity government bonds ), the bailouts that accompanied the Great Recession and the various attempts to provide fiscal stimulus during the Great Recession ( over and above the long-term George W. Bush tax cuts already in place ) can obscure certain crucial aspects of the real side of the economic problems that began around 2008-09 in the United States. This writer has discussed the mismatch between GDP growth and unemployment numbers in the United States elsewhere. In this article, an attempt is made to highlight some aspects of the real estate market in the United States.

The charts below show some important trends like construction activity trends, real estate price trends, house sales and house inventory trends. One thing that leaps up is the decrease in the share of construction in overall economic output from 9% to 5%. Real estate prices are well below their peaks and house sales are below not just the peak values but also pre-recession levels  ( the fall in real estate prices was for the most part being driven by demand shifts and not so much by Fed policies. Recent Fed action may be contributing to another bubble, but it does not affect much the basic argument here that demand shifts have played a big role in the recent real estate crisis and continue to do so ). These and other trends in the real estate market are one aspect of the real side of the economic problems facing the United States. They should alert us to the fact that even the most aggressive monetary and fiscal measures and the most accommodative fiscal and monetary regimes ( with all their advantages and disadvantages ) cannot alleviate all the real aspects of economic crises.

http://www.cepr.net/index.php/graphic-economics/graphic-economics/construction-as-percent-of-gdp-2005-2011

gdp-2011-07-ge

http://www.costar.com/ccrsi/index.aspx

http://www.nahb.org/generic.aspx?sectionID=130&genericContentID=45409

http://www.nahb.org/generic.aspx?sectionID=819&genericContentID=97096&channelID=311

Actual and potential measures to target specific sectors and to affect the real side directly, instead of keeping them limited to usual Keynesian measures involving economy-wide or broad-based fiscal and monetary schemes, have their drawbacks. Moreover, there is a lack of very clear understanding among economists about whether or not they can be really useful and whether or not they can have serious negative effects. This writer has discussed some potential drawbacks of Fed attempts to use interventions in the MBS market to try to prop up a faltering housing market or to jumpstart a stagnant housing market in a different article. Attempts to provide large-scale fiscal help to borrowers in the housing market also have their downsides. Aside from the moral hazard question, there is the possibility of cancellation effects from other sectors of the economy and there is also the problem of adding to the already onerous public debt-to-GDP ratio if the targeted fiscal help provided is on a scale that can be expected to have a substantial effect on mortgage payment defaults and foreclosures ( in the current political environment in the US, it is not very easy to finance new, temporary spending with new additional taxes all the time. Instead, additional borrowing is usually needed to finance such measures ). The public policy community, the economics community and the public need to reach a better understanding of the right balance between policies designed to fix the short-term and policies designed to sustain and bolster the long-term. Prvention of gluts and slumps like the one in the real estate market should be a major priority for policy makers and for the democratic system.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Dec 06

Damascus

Syria and Lebanon

Syria and NATO

Syria

FHA ( Federal Housing Administration )

Dec 05

C. Jayant Praharaj blog articles on blogger.com

Wednesday, December 5, 2012

Quality of intelligence and Western intervention in Middle Eastern countries

We all know what happened in Iraq with the whole weapons of mass destruction ( WMD ) misinformation thing and what the Western-led invasion of Iraq led to. Several years after US propaganda based on faulty intelligence led to the invasion of the country and in many ways a worsening of the security situation in the country, the world came to know that Iraq did not have WMDs. US military casualties in the thousands and numerous US injuries and enormous number of Iraqi deaths resulted from hasty action inspired by extremist neocon ideology.

Once again, we are confronted with a similar situation with the US administration issuing a warning to Syria not to use chemical weapons against internal opponents ( the Bashar Al-Assad government has stated that it does not intend to use chemical weapons against internal opponents ). What kind of intelligence underlies US statements on this issue ? How credible is the intelligence that the US administration is using, given the fact that US military personnel and NATO military personnel may have to risk their lives if the US alone or if NATO initiates military action against the Bashar Al-Assad regime ? US political discourse must hold its political establishment to higher standards of intelligence and due diligence than were followed in the case of Iraq. And the international community must be that much more alert against possible mistakes on this issue based on faulty intelligence.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Al-Qaeda in Syria, the Saudis and US dilemmas

With Al-Qaeda activity against the Bashar Al-Assad regime on the rise in Syria, with backing from some Saudi and Qatari quarters, US policy framers should be aware of strategic and moral dilemmas when it comes to backing rebel groups against Bashar Al-Assad. Assuming, of course, that morality is indeed a factor that matters in addition to realpolitik in the minds of those US policy framers who have the most say on this issue. While the US has limited its backing to non-al-Qaeda rebel groups in Syria, how sure is the US administration that money and arms provided by the US will not fall into the hands of Al-Qaeda groups ? The US will probably ignore this fine point at the moment because of how complex the situation is in Syria and because of the geostrategic aims of the US establishment.

But there is a possibility that weakening Bashar Al-Assad will strengthen Al-Qaeda in Syria. If this happens, and if Al-Qaeda groups happen to gain control over territory inside Syria, we will be in the ridiculous situation where the US would have enabled Al-Qaeda control inside a country through its own geostrategic designs, if not blunders. This should be a major worry for a US establishment that seems eager to bypass or ignore UN mechanisms. And it should be a matter of concern for European countries too. The lack of clarity in US approach to the Syria question does not inspire confidence in its ability to prevent, counter or contain groups that it considers inimical to itself. US foreign policy does not have a clear vision for the kind of dispensation it wants in Syria. There is a high chance that the kind of approach the US is taking on the Syrian issue will make things worse than they already are.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Tuesday, December 4, 2012

Law and order problems in Iraq and sectarian divisions

Iraq continues to experience violent attacks, similar to what it experienced when US forces were present in the country. It is difficult to tell whether the reason behind these attacks is ideological Islamic militancy, sectarian differences between Shias and Sunnis or a combination of the two. In other words, do they constitute a law and order problem or are they due to some kind of full-blown sectarian strife ? The answer to this question is crucial for any kind of policy-making that aims to end these conflicts. Despite its global vision, the exact shape and form that ideological Islam takes differs from country to country since the specific local political and socio-economic conditions can vary a lot.

If one considers Sunni militancy in Iraq, those Al-Qaeda groups who are active in Iraq will have to decide what exactly their goal is in Iraq after US troop withdrawal. If it is Al-Qaeda activity inspired by a desire to impose a specific brand of ultra-conservative Islam on Iraqi society, it will have to come face to face with several crucial questions. One is the level of popular support that these Al-Qaeda groups command, or expect to command, inside Iraq. Another question that they have to contend with is - since Al-Qaeda is based on Sunni ideology, is there not a possibility that their militant activities in Iraq can contribute to a broader Shia-Sunni split ?

A lot will depend on the intentions of the Nouri Al-Maliki government, on the kind of vision Mr. Nouri Al-Maliki has for Iraq and how well the political process is able to counter sectarian divisions and to respond to the needs of different groups in the country. No one should be under the illusion that the conflicts within Iraq will be easy to put an end to. The need of the hour in Iraq is mature leadership that can build on its economic strengths and that can prevent the existing violence from spiraling out of control.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

NATO stance on conflicts within nations - Cold War and post-Cold War modes in European foreign policy

Europe’s recent foreign policy stances on internal conflicts within nation states is marked by a strange combination of Cold War modes and post-Cold War modes. If one follows Europe’s policy stances, actions and attitudes on this question from 2000 onwards, one can discern a kind of schizophrenia. Not always very comfortable with US efforts to ” police ” global political morality, it has nevertheless extended military support for the US ” policing ” agenda. While neoconservative elements have been exceedingly vocal inside the US, at least until very recently, it is not clear how far the US neoconservatives have been able to plant their ideas and their worldviews on European policy framers and European opinion makers.

It is the US that has been the most enthusiastic proponent and executor of the neocon agenda and several European countries have extended support, sometimes half-hearted, possibly due to compulsions having to do with overall security perceptions. Both the Afghanistan war and the Iraq war started by George W. Bush were primarily wars of the US establishment and in many ways, wars for the US establishment. Europe did not experience anything approaching the Sept 11, 2001 events in scale and European countries did take this fact into consideration while deciding the extent to which they would support the US-led initiatives in Iraq and Afghanistan. The European participation in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars stemmed from a combination of security concerns and idealism, although the idealism may have been misinformed and was most probably based on misleading and highly faulty intelligence.

The enthusiasm with which some European governments ( the French administration of Sarkozy, in particular ) decided to adopt military means, along with the US, to intervene in the internal conflicts in Libya during the Arab Spring revolts meant that like the US, some influential parts of the European establishment had begun thinking and acting like the US in that they were militarily intervening in foreign countries not based on security concerns, but based on an imprecise and possibly naive notion of idealism, an idealism of the kind that misses the complexity that constitutes the real world and tends to oversimplify matters to fit certain theoretical frameworks. With the recent conflicts in Syria, this imprecise and naive notion of idealism ( that can easily lead to ridiculously non-ideal consequences unless used with caution and unless based on a very careful assessments of the facts ) has once again surfaced, for example, through the statements of Mr. Fogh Rasmussen, the NATO Secretary General. The problem with Syria, as with other cases in the Middle East ( although it is not acknowledged in a whole lot of the conformist discourse that permeates Western and US media and intelligent opinion ), is that the justification for intervening in a civil war is not very apparent. Even when the fear of possible use of chemical weapons is used by the likes of Mr. Rasmussen to talk about non-UN-sanctioned intervention in Syria, it is not clear what exact moral argument is being used, or if there is any moral argument. Since both sides in the Syrian Civil War have resorted to violence to achieve their aims, what is the exact moral argument being used when the bogey of chemical weapons is being used as a justification ? Surely, if the US establishment and significant parts of the European establishment are publicly subscribing to the view that chemical weapons use can be a triggering point for non-UN sanctioned-NATO-intervention in Syria, there must be other triggering points too, if one starts using the destructive power of arsenals as the criterion for intervention. Since national security is not a justification for intervening in Syria ( Syria does not pose a national security threat to the US or to European nations ) and since the validity of arguments based on things like chemical weapons is questionable, one is led to wonder if there are parts of the establishment in the US and in Europe who are trying to push the US and European militaries as well as the US and European political systems into new international paradigms. Recent history is replete with instances where those who shout loudest about freedom have often done significant damage to the cause of freedom. All too often, superficial public discourse has been the basis of the deployment of military forces inside countries. It is time for the international community to take note of the tenuous nature of the arguments underlying the public statements of the establishment in US and in Europe and to come up with solutions to the Syrian crisis that have a truly international flavor and that do justice to the causes of freedom, international rules and international harmony and that take the existing complexities of disputes into consideration.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Monday, December 3, 2012

The question of chemical weapons in Syria - the cases of internal conflicts and external aggression

Syrian government officials have stated that they do not intend to use chemical weapons inside the country. However, one statement hinted that Syria reserves the right to use chemical weapons against external aggression. When the George Herbert Walker Bush ( or Bush Sr. ) administration led the attack against Iraq in the early 1990s, it was in response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The alleged use of chemical weapons by Saddam Hussain against Kurds in the late 1980s did not lead to any military action against Iraq. When the George W. Bush ( son of George Herbert Walker Bush ) administration attacked Iraq for allegedly possessing weapons of mass destruction ( later proved to be false ) and for allegedly having contacts with al-Qaeda , the use of chemical weapons in the late 1980s against the Kurds was used as an additional justification by some commentators and analysts. But the fact is that in the 1980s, when Saddam Hussein was in the good books of the Reagan administration, the alleged use of chemical weapons by Saddam Hussein against Kurds in Iraq did not lead to any military response against Iraq by the Reagan administration. Of course, more than twenty years have passed since then. New Democratic foreign policy and neo-conservative foreign policy have tried to sell the idea of ” nation-building ” to the world, with questionable results. While the current White House is trying to continue the New Democrat-neocon flavor of foreign policy when it comes to internal conflicts in other countries, the US administration would do well to clarify its exact intended policy on chemical weapons use by Syria, internal or external. Will an internal use of chemical weapons in Syria ( the Syrian administration seems to have vehemently denied intending to use chemical weapons for internal conflicts ) lead to unilalteral non-UN-sanctioned US military action or non-UN-sanctioned NATO military action against Syria ? As for Syria’s not ruling out the use of chemical weapons against external aggressors, the legality and the morality become very murky. Syria is not a signatory to the Chemical Weapons Convention. While the US has ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, there is confusion about whether US foreign policy has been made consistent with this ratification, at least based on the information that this writer has been able to gather. It seems that technically, Syria is right when it reserves the right to chemical weapons use against external aggression.

The morality of chemical weapons use is complicated. The use of chemical weapons by the US in Vietnam, the continuation of the use of other deadly forms of weapons etc mean that chemical weapon use becomes a difficult moral subject. It would be nice to rid the world of chemical weapons, but then it would be nice to rid the world of other deadly weapons as well. And of tyrannical governments and insensitive governments and of dangerous warmongers and war criminals. Using UN frameworks seems to be the safest option for such cases. The lack of evidence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and allegations of criminality against some western leaders are examples of how hasty military action in such cases leads to a tangle of moral and legal complications. The ” policing ” actions of the US become that much more difficult to justify given the lack of due diligence and a tendency to disregard UN mechanisms.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Friday, November 30, 2012

Cash and the Public Distribution System in India - Questions of priority and implementability

The Indian government has decided to go full steam ahead with its plans to disburse public distribution system aid in the form of cash rather than food. The government plans to have the cash deposited in the bank accounts of intended recipients and the system is supposed to make use of electronic Aadhar cards. A comprehensive food security framework that ensures adequate nutrition to all deprived and vulnerable sections of Indian society has not been implemented yet. But the government is busy publicizing the detailed manner in which it intends to disburse PDS aid. As far as the poor are concerned, the actual allocation of aid matters way more than the exact manner in which the food reaches them. This obvious fact seems to be lost on the Indian government.

A large proportion of the Indian population is still illiterate. Any PDS system that the government runs should be made intuitively easy for all Indians to understand, even those with no or limited literacy. Experts in human-machine interactions and experts in governance can try to determine if direct food disbursement or non-electronic cash disbursement or electronic cash disbursement will work better in the current Indian context. May be the Indian government should hire such experts and form a committee comprising some of them to recommend the best way to disburse aid. For cash disbursement, careful thought should be devoted to determine if traditional non-electronic banking or electronic banking is better suited in the current Indian context, where massive development challenges still remain and where literacy rates are still not at rich country standards. As for corruption, a lot depends on the people running the system and electronic systems cannot be expected to be immune to corruption. The fanfare with which the government is going about its attempts to introduce the electronic scheme while crucial questions about the storage and distribution of foodgrains remain and while lack of literacy hobbles large segments of the population is an example of the superficiality that has crept into government policies in recent times.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Thursday, November 29, 2012

US funding of groups opposed to the Bashar Al-Assad regime in war-torn Syria - legal and strategic questions

The Syrian government describes the rebel groups fighting aginst the Bashar Al-Assad regime as terrorists. The White House prefers to see the efforts of these groups as a fight for democracy. As in many such cases, the reality is complicated, no matter how much the White House tries to couch its interference in Syria in a make-believe language of moral clarity. The question of the legality of US interference in Syria in the form of aiding rebel groups becomes significant in the light of past history and because of the possibility of similar situations arising in other parts of the world. The historical precedents do not provide clear guidance in this matter. While the International Court of Justice ruled aspects of US involvement in the funding of Contra groups in Nicaragua to be illegal, instances like Afghanistan and external support for groups in Cold War conflicts in some other countries have not been subjected to any kind of consistent international judicial review. Funding of insurgent groups by individual countries and the bypassing of UN mechanisms while doing so are vestiges of the power structures of the past centuries and the Cold War. The extent to which these power structures will be dismantled in the coming years will determine how strongly UN mechanisms will be able to react to instances like these and how well the aggressive ( often over-aggressive ) actions of powerful nation states in such cases can be curbed.

Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi’s diplomatic efforts have yielded limited results as both sides seem intent on escalating the conflict to the fullest extent possible. The incongruity of UN peace efforts proceeding in parallel with possibly illegal interference directed against the Syrian government by a major world power and a UN Security Council member just goes to show how complex the issue is. While the White House funds only non-Al-Qaeda groups opposed to Bashar Al-Assad, it may well be contributing to creating a situation where Al-Qaeda may control some regions or where Al-Qaeda may increase its influence in Syria. What kind of political equations will emerge out of these conflicts ? Will they lead to stable governments and the cessation of conflicts ? UN-led dialog, rather than US-funded insurgency, most probably stands a better chance of leading to stable political solutions, an end to recurring violence and justice for all groups involved.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.blog@gmail.com )

Oct 30

India food security and other articles

Monday, October 29, 2012

India’s public finances strained even for food security - what are the implications for human welfare and prioritization of public expenditure items ?

Comprehensive food security in India is a topic that has to fight for attention with a host of other matters in Indian public and political discourses. It is a sign of the elitist turn that Indian economic policy making has taken over the last twenty years or so, if not more. It should be a matter of grave concern that the recent Kelkar Committee report has stated that food subsidies and the requirements of the Food Security Bill will create burdens on the public debt that may necessitate passing some share of the burden to APL ( above poverty line ) consumers in the future. The problem with this is that India’s poverty problem is way more serious and complex than what these simplistic approaches seem capable of tackling. For a while, there was no clear consensus on whether the poverty line should be defined as 26 rupees a day for rural areas and 32 rupees a day for urban areas. Even now, it is not clear if these definitions of rural and urban poverty lines will be accepted in the final versions of the bill. 32 rupees a day is less than a dollar a day, which is a common criterion for poverty used around the world. Even when a dollar a day is used as a criterion for deciding who is poor and who is not, it is usually understood that the people earning between, say, a dollar a day and two dollars a day also encounter significant economic difficulties in their daily lives. Suggesting that some of the burden of food subsidies in India can be passed to APL consumers in the future may be missing some significant human welfare implications for those whose earnings are just above the poverty line.

The fact that India finds itself in a situation where providing food security to its citizens creates severe strains on public finances is a sign that some crucial aspects of the welfare of Indian citizens have been neglected for far too long. Why did comprehensive food security start attracting attention in India only after the public debt problem and the public finance problem became so vulnerable ? What kind of prioritization was being followed by Indian policy makers ?

As for the future, should the exact Kelkar Committee recommendations about food subsidies be followed or is there need for serious debate about which items of public expenditure need to be modified by how much in the future and over what timeframe and where food subsidies figure in all this ? Mr. Chidambaram has stated that the government is committed to implementing the Kelkar Committee recommendations. Does Mr. Chidambaram think that the recommendations about food subsidies should be followed exactly as stated in the report or should there be additional debate about the prioritization of expenditure items ? What definition of poverty line should be followed if one tries to follow the Kelkar Committee suggestions about food subsidies and APL families ? Without a clear consensus on the definition of poverty line and without a clear understanding about the income distribution just above the poverty line and the number of Indian families who are marginally above the poverty line ( which usually turns out to be quite large by most of the commonly followed definitions ), how can the government do justice to the human welfare aspects when it comes to prioritizing subsidy expenditures ?

Clearly, human welfare in India cannot be left to the mercy merely of these higher level reports and recommendations. Clearly, there is a need for more detailed analysis and debate about the complexity surrounding the poverty problem and the income distribution issue in India while deciding food subsidy policies. While growth and tax revenue increases can potentially relieve some of the pressure on this front, the prognostications on this front are not all optimistic. GDP growth in India has encountered some serious problems and it has not proved easy to increase tax revenues as a percentage of GDP. Given its implications for human welfare, a well-financed food security system should be a priority till growth and income increases lead to lower food subsidy needs. However, till such GDP increases and such income increases materialize, all efforts should be made to make the food security framework secure. Let us put food security at the top or near the top of the priority list of government expenditures and let us not make the food security framework vulnerable to expenditure cuts while poverty remains such a big problem for the country’s economy.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

Tuesday, October 23, 2012

Weakness in the small business sector and implications for economic recovery in the US

Given the fact that small businesses employ about 50% of all US workers, the health of the small business sector is crucial to the sustainability of economic recovery in the US. Consider, for example, an index like small business average change in employment per firm. This index has dipped discernably about three or four times since the onset of the Great Recession. Further, it has been negative for most of the time since the beginning of the Great Recession.

Small businesses rely to a great extent on domestic spending. Whether that makes it more vulnerable than big businesses to housing sector collapses and financial sector collapses is an interesting question. This article is not intended to discuss the effect of sectoral collapses on the demand levels of firms. One probable reason for the persistent weakness in the small business sector is the difficulty of restarting closed small businesses ( considered in the aggregate ) or starting new kinds of small businesses in a high risk economic climate and in a situation of weakness in the demand side of the economy.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

The labor market and the lack of a solid recovery from the Great Recession in the US

There is a lot of confusing data and a lot of inaccurate claims about the US labor market and US unemployment in the public discourse. A lot of the discussion tries to paint a more optimistic picture about US unemployment and US economic recovery than what the data warrants. The US labor force participation rate has decreased by about 2% since before the onset of the Great Recession. This means the unemployment number would be higher by 2% compared to the current numbers if the labor force participation had remained at the pre-Great Recession levels. Moreover, the underemployment rate is at a high level of around 15% and can be expected to have an effect on the sustainability of the recovery from the Great Recession.

Those who want to stress spending cuts as the best way to reduce the US budget deficit should keep in mind that a private sector whose recovery from the Great Recession is not very solid will find it very difficult to absorb any job losses in the public sector due to government spending cuts. This should be considered along with other factors like the welfare aspects of government programs and the availability of good private sector alternatives to them.

The fact that GDP growth rate recovery from the Great Recession became delinked from job creation to a significant extent in the early stages of the recovery, similar to the recovery from the recession of the early 2000s, should be a matter of grave concern for those that care about the stability and the growth of the US economy. It is time to seriously examine and to question all claims about recovery in the US economy that neglect the employment aspect.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

Saturday, October 20, 2012

Who de-inspires America less and how the outcome of the 2012 US presidential election depends on it

Can the American political system remain the American political system once it begins to become more serious about issues ? Take away catchy slogans like ” Compassionate Conservatism ” and ” Change - Yes We Can ” and Si Se Puede and all that and one gets a sense of how it must feel like in Beijing. Well, the slogans are not completely gone, but the mood has definitely changed. The sloganeering of the Romney campaign looks more rooted in issues - ” Smaller, Simpler, Smarter ” at least makes you think about government and the way government should work, whether you support his specific policies or not. The Obama campaign’s ” Forward ” slogan, while less catchy than the 2000 and 2004 slogans, continues the same kind of vagueness. Apparently, there is a Bruce Springsteen song called ” Forward - and Away We Go ” behind the Obama campaign slogan. If the lyrics I read on the internet are accurate, then this song seems to be preaching ( or at the very least endorsing ) a kind of obsession with amoral philandering or putting a spin on some serious immoral philandering, depending on who you are. This the US political discourse can best do without during such bad economic times, with waning power abroad and with uncertain prospects for the future. Will the political atmosphere in Washington feel more and more like the one in Beijing as the realization dawns that giving long and deep tax cuts and hoping everything will turn out fine or sending the US military on missions with unclear objectives and unclear moral justifications and hoping that it will improve US image or power or goodwill abroad does not work.

How do you inspire the public if you are a Democrat ? You talk about the middle class and the poor. You talk about fighting to change the tax code so that it is less skewed in favor of the rich. You talk about curbing the influence of the super-rich on legislation. Obama’s first term did not yield any good deals with the Republicans as far as taxes go. Paranoia about the effect of higher taxes led to extension of the Bush tax cuts. In such an environment, it is very difficult for an incumbent Democratic president to come up with campaigning strategies that enthuse the Democratic base ? Why do you expect your second term to be any different from your first term when it comes to taxes ? The fear of a double-dip recession is real and Republicans swear by ideology that favors lower taxes even when GDP growth is good ( although the scientific rationale behind this herd mentality is highly doubtful ). Also, Mr. Obama, why did you make the payroll tax cut into a bargaining item ? How do you enthuse the Democratic base after resorting to this kind of haphazard bargaining with Congressional Democrats ? During his first term as President, Obama has been anything but coherent on the tax question. His stances on taxes look more coherent now than towards the middle of his term. However, how do you convince the Congressional Republicans on the question of selective tax increases and tax decreases given the fact that you yourself went along with the continuation of the Bush tax cuts ? Should you promise tax increases when the recovery from the last recession is so weak and the job numbers are so alarming given the fact that you did not veto extension of Bush tax cuts that were passed using economic weakness as justification ? Mr. Obama, are you telling Americans and Democrats that you will veto any further extension of the Bush tax cuts ? If you are a Republican trying to enthuse voters about the economy, you sing the same old tune about the virtues of low taxes and how it spurs investment and growth. Unfortunately for Romney, a decade of Bush tax cuts hasn’t had a very positive effect on investment in the US or on the US economy overall. Looks like Romney wants to give more tax cuts to everyone. But this raises questions about what he will do about the deficit. Talking about huge spending cuts is okay. However, he would do well to remember that when the Republicans had the White House and the Congress for several years during the Bush presidency, they could not cut spending. And if he wants to cut deficits purely through spending cuts, he needs to explain which items he will cut. Will he go with large defense budget cuts ? Are there good, credible, non-risky private sector alternatives for the government programs he may want to cut ?

After fighting two costly wars with very questionable benefits to the country, the US finds itself in a position where its military and geostrategic activities are being met with serious opposition or outright hostility. With the continuation of economic sluggishness, the ability of the US to project its power abroad has decreased drastically. America’s rhetoric about being the champion of democracy around the world is being met with more skepticism. The process of reducing American troops in Iraq and Afghanistan is already underway. Generating partisan debates on foreign policy questions becomes difficult in these circumstances.

” Green jobs ” was a big cathphrase of the 2008 elections. The Romney campaign website mentions that he will try to make the US energy independent by 2020. Americans should be skeptical about the achievability of energy independence by 2020. As for the effect on the overall economy, any new green jobs will replace conventional jobs, new green investment means less non-green investment etc. So, the Green economy thing is more about sustainability and resource independence and less about overall job creation. It depends a lot on how fast the scientific and research establishment, public and private, is able to come up with good solutions and cheap alternatives. It probably calls for a Beijing-style approach rather than a Washington-style approach.

China bashing has been resorted to by both Romney and Obama at one time or the other. However, calling China a currency manipulator misses the point. Low wages and other structural factors figure prominently in why China is exporting so much to the US. Different countries try to keep their currencies low or high depending on their economci needs and circumstances. It is wrong to give false hopes to the public on this question without paying serious thought to the complex economics involved.

It may be a good thing after all that Americans will have to pay more attention to facts and issues rather than gimmicks while deciding their president this time around.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

Monday, October 15, 2012

Who does rich America belong to, if not to America ?

Browse the internet and you will find some interesting analyses about US, European and OECD corporate tax rates. The big question that arises in my mind when I study these analyses is this - who does rich America belong to, if not to America ? Once one considers tax loopholes, top American multinational corporations are paying lower taxes overall compared to their European counterparts. Now, corporate taxes do not form the largest component of tax revenues in the US, income taxes do. Still, when fiscal deficits are such a big problem, all the revenue sources need to be considered as regards their costs and benefits.

So, what should be the priority if one is trying to frame the right corporate tax policy for the US ? Should closing tax loopholes take priority ? Or should changing corporate tax rates take priority ? Corporations are already taking advantage of loopholes like tax havens and lowering corporate tax rates is unlikely to make them stop using these loopholes. As for the extra share of the profits they will retain if corporate tax rates are decreased, will it lead to increased investment in the US and will it be investment of a type that creates a lot of jobs ? Given their propensity to move production to low-wage countries and to countries with fewer environmental restrictions, and given the recent tendency of US financial institutions to invest money in risky, high-expected-return foreign assets, one should be pessimistic about the ability of lower corporate taxes to yield overall economic benefits for America. In fact, it may just end up lowering US corporate tax revenues without doing anything positive on the investment or job creation front. Therefore, closing of corporate tax loopholes looks like a better option for US policy makers. Structural factors like wages and other costs will figure prominently in the investment decisions of American corporations and tax rate changes that are unaccompanied by tax code changes designed to close corporate tax loopholes will most likely affect the revenue from corporate taxes and not achieve anything in the growth or jobs areas.

Now let’s dwell on income taxes and rich America for a moment, shall we ? Rich America got income tax sops, thanks to the G.W.Bush Republican wave. I mean these weren’t gigantic sops, if one goes by percentage changes etc. However, these cuts were large enough to increase deficits to an extent that exacerbated the debt problem so that now, the debt projections to 2025 or thereabouts look quite alarming. And what about jobs ? We had a long jobless recovery phase after the recession of the early 2000s. We now have one of the worst, if not the worst, job scenarios since the Great Depression. And what about social insurance ? Not impressive, if one compares to many European countries, for example. And where has the money from the lower taxes gone ? A lot of it has found its way to risky investments abroad through US financial institutions.

As rich Americans try to use their influence on the political establishment to bring about decreases in taxes or to extend previous tax cuts, and as they become more and more global in their approach towards investment and money-making, there is a high chance that these Americans will be less economically integrated with the society they are part of. Mr. J.K. Galbraith used the term ” Affluent Society ” to describe the rich about fifty years ago. In the early twenty-first century, should we start using the term ” Ostensible Americans ” to describe the new ultra-globalized rich Americans ? It has been quite a journey in elitism in the world’s biggest economy from Mr. Galbraith’s Affluent Society to the new ultra-globalized American elite. Not that globalization is bad per se. Not that rich Americans should forego good business opportunities abroad. But there need to be limits to how much rich Americans are allowed to avoid their share of the responsibility for fixing the country’s finances while pursuing risky investments abroad. And it is also time to start thinking seriously about the limits to which businesses can be allowed to flee abroad in search of low wage rates etc. In other words, it is time to realize that the Americans with money to invest are not just competitors with the Europeans and the Japanese and the Chinese. They are Americans with responsibilities inside America. GDP growth without good job growth should lead to serious introspection in the country as to its long-term effects on American society. It is time to halt the slide towards ostensible Americanism.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

Wednesday, October 10, 2012

The Japanese economic experience and what the US should learn from it

Gross Domestic Product and the growth rates of Gross Domestic Product do not tell the whole story about any economy. However, they are two parameters that get a lot of attention both in the news media and among economists and economic analysts. Japan has slid behind China in terms of annual GDP over the last two decades and its growth rate has languished. As we look forward to the next decade or so, will the American economy start resembling the Japanese economy in many ways ? Let’s look at some similarities. Japan has a very high public debt to GDP ratio, around 200%. The US public debt to GDP ratio is around 100% and may well reach the kind of level Japan has now in another decade, even if the US Congress succeeds in cutting the annual budget deficit to around 0.6 trillion from the current deficit of more than a trillion. Low taxes failed to spur Japanese GDP growth to the extent the Japanese policy framers wanted and Japan has recently decided to pay more attention to its spiralling debt to GDP ratio. The US obsession with low taxes is producing consequences that are similar to Japan. The GDP growth numbers have been either bad or unimpressive. What makes it worse is the fact that whatever GDP recovery has happened recently has not led to good net job growth rate in the US. Large government budget deficits tend to create pressure on the current account and the trade balance of a country. Japan was a strong net exporter. However, its trade balance has come under pressure recently and its large government budget deficit may well be a major contributing factor. The US has been a net importer and persistence of the government deficit will keep creating pressure on this front. As the composition of Chinese economic production and the composition of China’s exports and imports change in the coming years, the export and import numbers of the United States and some other countries may see a lot of changes. One needs to keep in mind the fact that both the export and import amounts and the trade deficit matters. The sustainability of the US trade deficit and current account deficit depends on the willingness of non-US entities to buy US assets. Unimpressive GDP growth rates, crises in financial institutions, unsteady corporate profits and vulnerable public finances do not create the right conditions for the inflow of foreign money into the US. While Japan has avoided some of these problems due to its strong export strength in the past, it may also start encountering some of the problems that the US has been having.

In other words, the US and Japan have a lot to learn from each other’s economic experiences. How these two countries tackle the problems of high public debt to GDP ratios, pressure on trade balances and current account balances, reliance on foreign money and the contradictions between reliance on foreign money and unimpressive economic performance at home will affect the future economic trajectories, not just of these two countries, but also the economic future of the world.

A few crucial things need to be kept in mind while comparing Japanese economic problems with similar economic problems in the US.

1. Japanese net public debt is around 110% of GDP, much lower than its gross public debt of around 200% of GDP. The percentage difference between gross and net public debt of the US is not that high. So, among very big economies, as opposed to smaller European countries, the US may well have the most serious public debt problem, even more serious than Japan, as we speak.

2. Only 6% of Japanese public debt is in foreign hands. On the other hand, China owns about a trillion dollars worth of US treasury bonds and Japan about 1 trillion dollars worth.

3. The unemployment rate in Japan is around 4.5%, which is much lower than the current US unemployment rate of around 8%. This has implications not just for policies designed to promote higher GDP growth etc, but also for public finance. The need to bring unemployment numbers down and the need to keep fiscal deficits under control will create tensions in the fiscal policy area.

4. Poverty rates in the US and Japan are similar if one goes by the criteria used in the respective countries. However, the fact that this poverty is accompanied by much higher unemployment in the US means that it becomes much more difficult to come up with policies designed to keep both low while ensuring public fiscal stability.

5. The current account deficit of the United States is sustainable only if private and government entities in the US keep attracting enough foreign money. The United States is likely to face bigger problems in this area than Japan in the near future.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

Friday, October 5, 2012

What happened to investment in the United States despite the G.W.Bush tax cuts ?

Economists and politicians who favor tax cuts as growth-promoting measures have some explaining to do if one considers recent investment numbers as a percentage of GDP in the United States. They are low, probably lower than 15% of GDP. And aren’t low taxes supposed to spur GDP growth through higher investment, among other things ? So why is the investment sentiment so anemic and why is the investment climate so negative ? American financial institutions have been investing funds abroad in hopes of high returns. They got burned in France and in other European countries recently and they got burned in East Asia about 15 years ago. But do you see what I am getting at here ? American business and financial entities aren’t really enthused about investing at home ! And this ten years after a big, elitist tax cut. I mean there seems to be a serious lack of scholarship and awareness about the tax-growth question. How has investment as a percentage of GDP been so low during a prolonged low-tax period ? Have rich Americans run out of good options ? I mean, come on, rich Americans ! We are counting on you to pull us through this morass, through this troubled climate. I mean, the CEOs are earning their millions, right ? And corporate profits aren’t really all that low, are they ? Where are the new investment ideas and why aren’t American business and financial entities investing more at home ?

Is it just due to business sentiment and investment sentiment or is it due to a strong global pull on available money or is it due to structural factors ? So, the housing market collapsed and isn’t a good investment option for some time. And a lot of low-end manufacturing is shipped overseas. And automation is becoming more prevalent in manufacturing ( this has implications for the employment generation capability of investment and employment generation is crucial for the US right now ). So, is it all up to the service sector in the United States and has the business community in the United States run out of ideas when it comes to new investment in the service sector ? How does the US economy improve investment prospects in the service sector in a way that creates a lot of jobs, which America needs right now ? Should the Congress seriously start considering taxing large investments made abroad by US businesses and US financial institutions ? Or pass legislation that mandates a portion of such investments made abroad to be contributed to workers training and retraining programs in the US ? And who will come up with the training and retraining programs that ensure that the employment market does not get into frequent or prolonged traffic snarls in the US ? These are all questions that need careful consideration if the economic challenges facing the United States are to be solved in a way that leads to sustainable economic recovery.

by C. Jayant Praharaj ( send comments to cjpraharaj.web@gmail.com )

Jul 14

European economy, July 14, 2012

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-06-22/ecb-loosens-collateral-rules-for-banks-to-ease-access-to-funds.html

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/25/cyprus-seeks-eurozone-bailout-for-its-banks-and-budget/

http://www.scotsman.com/business/cypriot-bail-out-may-top-8bn-as-it-pays-price-of-greek-debt-exposure-1-2376677

http://www.welt.de/politik/article107275831/Merkel-will-keine-Euro-Bonds-solange-ich-lebe.html

http://www.welt.de/politik/deutschland/article107266393/Deutschland-zahlt-hohen-Preis-fuer-Euro-Rettung.html

http://www.welt.de/politik/deutschland/article107266393/Deutschland-zahlt-hohen-Preis-fuer-Euro-Rettung.html

http://economia.elpais.com/economia/2012/06/26/actualidad/1340728476_950454.html

http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/357918/20120629/euro-zone-debt-crisis-spain-italy-bonds.htm

http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/02/us-eurozone-idUSBRE8610L720120702?feedType=RSS&feedName=topNews

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18792720

Jun 23

European economy, June 23, 2012

http://india.nydailynews.com/business/bf66a357f633c54f10a9387b1f0782d7/fitch-downgrades-spain-s-two-major-banks

http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/06/11/us-eurozone-greece-capital-idUSBRE85A0ZB20120611?feedType=RSS&feedName=topNews&rpc=71&google_editors_picks=true

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18454577

http://www.buenosairesherald.com/article/103621/moodys-cuts-eleven-european-banks-ratings

http://www.buenosairesherald.com/article/103622/ecbs-draghi-flags-euro-risks-but-no-inflation-threat

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/15/central-banks-brace-for-stormy-weekend/

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/16/europe-weekly-spain-enters-the-danger-zone/

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/15/splitting-europe-into-a-two-speed-eu/

http://www.khaleejtimes.com/kt-article-display-1.asp?xfile=data/internationbusiness/2012/June/internationbusiness_June67.xml&section=internationbusiness

http://www.eubusiness.com/news-eu/greece-vote-world.h8d

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/20/spain-waits-on-bank-stress-tests-before-accepting-eu-bailout/

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2162426/The-600bn-rescue-thats-painkiller-Doubts-grow-rescue-deal-euro.html

http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/344165/20120522/european-central-bank-greece-secret-emergency-liquidity.htm

http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/354381/20120620/greece-economy-greek-elections-debt-austerity-troika.htm

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/22/european-crisis-deal/

http://www.euronews.com/2012/06/22/german-court-may-delay-new-europe-bailout-fund/

http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/jun/22/imf-pressure-germany-christine-lagarde